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大津事件と尖閣事件  (H30-8-25)


 吉村昭「ニコライ遭難」(岩波書店)を読む。発行は平成五年(一九九三)なれど、歴史書に限りては、出版後四半世紀を経たりと雖も、書評を書くに詮なしとて憚る所あるべけんや。
 本書は、明治二十四(一八九一)年の「大津事件」を詳細に解説したるドキュメンタリーなり。
 同年五月十一日、日本訪問中の露国皇太子ニコライは、琵琶湖観光の為に大津市内を人力車にて通過せんとして、警護の巡査津田三蔵に斬り附けられたり。この椿事(ちんじ)すなはち司法の独立にかかはる大問題とはなりたりけり。ヒーローの児島惟謙(これかた/いけん)は大審院長。大阪控訴院の院長なりしが、をりしも山縣(第一次)内閣より松方(第一次)内閣への政変ありたるに伴ひ、事件の直前、五月六日に三権の一の長に勅任せらる。
 大日本帝国憲法第五十七条第一項は「司法権ハ天皇ノ名ニ於テ法律ニ依リ裁判所之ヲ行フ」と規定す。実にこれぞ、「司法の独立」を定めたる規定なる。「天皇ノ名ニ於テ」といふは、政府(たとへば司法省)の指示を受くることなかるべしとの謂ひなればなり。
 而して、旧刑法百十六条には、「天皇三后皇太子ニ対シ危害ヲ加ヘ又ハ加ヘントシタル者ハ死刑ニ処ス」との皇室罪(大逆罪)の規定ありき。「三后(さんこう)」とは、皇后、皇太后、太皇太后の儀なり。
 ここに規定せられたる「天皇」「皇太子」とは、本朝の元首および皇嗣に限定せらるや、はたまた外国の君主および皇太子・王太子にも適用せらるやに関して侃々諤々の議論生じたり。適用あれば死罪は免れず、適用なければ一般の傷害事件・殺人未遂事件となりて無期以下の徒刑(懲役)に処せらるべし。政府は、大国ロシアを恐るるの餘りに、皇室罪の適用を画策す。
 事件の翌朝(十二日)、明治天皇は早朝に起床し、京都へ向ひたまふ。入洛(じゆらく)あらせらるるは十三日の朝六時。京都まで、御召列車なりとも、二十四時間ほどを要したりと察せらる。京都のホテルにて、露国皇太子と御対面あり。
 児島惟謙は十二日、松方正義首相を官邸に訪問し、このとき初めて、司法の独立に対する干渉を受くるに至る。「そもそも国家あっての法律である」と諭されたりとの由。
 司法省にても、山田顕義司法大臣臨席ありて、司法省高等官全員による緊急会議行はる。山田は皇室罪の適用を主張したれども、驚くなかれ、出席者全員、山田の説得を肯(がへ)んぜずして、通常の謀殺未遂罪を以て処分すべしとの所信を述ぶ。明治の役人の気骨、流石に武士の世を隔つること遠からずといふべし。
事件の後十日を出でざる五月十九日、公判の段定まりたり。児島の提案を山田了承して、大津地方裁判所にて大審院の裁判行はるとの異例の儀とはなりたりけり。検察の皇室罪にて起訴したるにより、一審限りの裁判といふ皇室罪の規定に従ひたるなり。この裁判に、児島は直接裁判官としてかかはりたるにはあらず。大審院判事の中から、児島の意志にて七人を選び、大津出張を命じたり。
 然而(しかりしかうして)、山田・陸奥を始めとする政府当局者は該裁判官の中の數人を召喚して、皇室罪の適用を要求す。これを知りたる児島は、松方首相と山田司法相に対する意見書を上申し、さらに、七人の裁判官に面接して、政府の圧力に屈せざらんことを督励せり。
 慌ただしき一日なりき。同じ十九日に、児島は、七人の担当裁判官と倶(とも)に新橋駅にて乗車し、翌日京都に着く。そのまま、京都離宮(御所)に滞在中の上御一人(かみごいちにん)に拝謁を賜はる。
 主上は、「国家ノ大事ナリ。注意シテ速カニ処分スベシ」との勅語を下されたり。
 児島は、これを「法に則つて正義を貫くべし」と解釈し、皇室罪適用を拒否する覚悟をいよいよ固くす。しかれども、「国家の大事なり」と御諚ありたるは、主上には恐らく皇室罪による死刑を望ませたまひけるにあらずやと拝察せらる。児島はさをこそ分別すれ、あへて我田に水を引きたりとの想像を逞(たくましう)せんとも大過なかるべし。
 さはさりながら、「注意シテ速カニ処分スベシ」と仰せらるるに留め給ひ、それを超えたる格別の叡慮を示したまはざりしの條、明治の大帝は果然是(くわぜんこれ)大帝にておはしまししと賀し奉るの外なし。旭日高く輝く新日本の君主は、法治国家を守らんとの気概を持ちたまひしなり。
 東京より政府高官の陸続と大津に着到す。中に重要人物は、山田顕義司法相と西郷従道内務相なりしかど、いづれも傍聴はせずして、大津市の旅館に滞在してあり。
 五月二十七日正午公判開廷。午後三時三十分一旦閉廷、午後六時三十分にふたたび開廷せらる。この間、僅々三時間にて、裁判官鳩首協議して判決書を作成す。
 判決は、「皇室罪」に非ずして、一般の「謀殺未遂罪」適用せられ、無期徒刑宣告せらる。いささか感ぜずんばあらざるは、七人の裁判官全員一致の結論なりしとの儀なり。
 その夜、山田と西郷は馬場停車場(現在の膳所駅)より東京へ向けて出立す。関係者多数見送る。車窓に首を出したる西郷は、児島を見て、「これまで私は、乗り込んできて負けて帰ったことはない。今度は負けて帰る。この結果がどうなるか、よく御覧になって下さい」と恫喝す。已而(すでにして)、西郷酩酊してあり。
 児島は車窓に近寄り、「なんたることか。場所柄をもわきまえず、国務大臣の言うべきことではない」と大喝一声、その反骨精神、後の世に司法のチャンピオンと讃へられたるの面目躍如たるものあり。西郷喫驚(きつきやう)して亀の如くに首を引つ込めたりと伝へらる。
 かくして、大津事件は決着せり。
 これが一幕の大団円、まことに薄命百年に及ばずして幕を下ろしたる大日本帝国の誉と看做すべし。ああ、天津日嗣(あまつひつぎ)の治(しろ)しめす皇御国(すめらみくに)は、面立(おもだち)華(はな)ある絶代の佳人ならで何にか装(よそ)ふべかりし。
 本書、出版より些か年を経たりといへども、なほ諸氏に繙(ひもと)かれんことを推奨する所以なり。

 いでや憂国の諸兄、此を見て、つらつら彼を思はなん。屈辱の思ひに苛(さいな)まるるは八年前の尖閣事件に外ならず。海上保安庁の船に無法の限りを尽したる中国人船長を、沖縄の検事は、後難を恐るるがゆゑに、不起訴処分にして、直ちに帰国せしめたり。
 但(ただ)情状斟酌すべきの余地なきにしもあらず。此度(こたび)は裁判官ならで、行政府の検察官、権勢に阿(おもね)つて法を枉(ま)げたるに過ぎず。司法の独立侵害せられたりといふに該(あた)らず。
 然りと雖も、大津事件の際の司法省高等官会議の席にては、全員挙りて大臣の意見に異を立つ。翻つて慮(おもんばか)れば、この民主日本にありて、沖縄の検事の独断にて不起訴処分と為したるは、媚中の台閣に追従して忖度するの醜態、目を覆はしむるものあり。根は司法の独立の侵害に繋がるものありと言はざるべけんや。
 当時の民主党政権は、検事に対して指示を与ふることなかりしと言ひ逃れたり。もしまことならば、この検事の罪天地の間に容るる所なく、争(やは)か割腹して祖宗と万姓とに謝するを免かるべき。さりとて、検事独断にて不起訴処分に至りたるならば、なにゆゑに法相の介入するなかりしか。検事に対する法相の介入は「指揮権発動」なれば、違法にあらず。人倫の道を辨(わきま)へざる孔孟の国の理不尽に膝を屈するよりは、断乎指揮権を発動して船長を起訴せんにいづれぞや。畢竟如此(ひつきやうかくのごとき)顛末を迎へしは、菅仙亡国内閣をして法治国家の名を滅却せしめたる憾(うらみ)に堪へず。
 他方、真相は、事前に検事に指示を与へて起訴を断念せしめたるにあらずやとの風聞あり。かかる不祥の儀ありたらんには、首相および法相の為体(ていたらく)、何を以てか償ふを得べきと嘆かるるに、平成の平相国(へいしやうこく)と後ろより糸引く怪僧信西の両首魁、恬(てん)として恥づる所なくして了(をは)んぬ。
 この奇々怪々なる騒動の内幕を歴史の闇に消し去ることなかれ。担当検事S君に訴ふるに、己が名誉のためにも真相を明らかにせんことを。君、百代に悪名を流さんことを恐れよかし。




Ohtsu and Senkaku Incidents Misawa Hiroshi H30-8-25
  
I’ve just finished reading a documentary novel titled “Nicholai meets with an attack.”
It was written by Yoshimura Akira, the famous documentary author, and published by the Iwanami Shoten publishers. Brought into the world in 1993, it may seem now to be too old to write an attractive review about.
Even so, it is not too much to say that books on history are not always worn out with the time. My review will be sure to help you take up this interesting book.
This book of Yoshimura’s is to teach you how the ‘Otsu Incident’ occurred and how those officials concerned coped with the affairs.
On May 11, 1891, Nicholai, the crown prince of Russia, was visiting Japan. He was passing through the city of Ohtsu, on the east of Kyoto, to go sightseeing on Lake Biwa, when a policeman on guard swept down on him, injuring him with his saber(sword). This Ohtsu Incident developed into an extraordinary problem concerning the independence of the judiciary. The hero was Kojima Iken, the president of the Supreme Court.
He had been the president of the Osaka High Court. In the meanwhile, there took place a political change of government. Ex-prime minister Yamagata Aritomo (his first term) quit the job, succeeded by Matsukata Masayoshi (also his first term). It was followed by a reshuffle of the government personnel, resulting in Kojima’s promotion to the head of the judicial world just a week ahead of the Incident.
The Imperial Japanese Constitution prescribed in Article 57-2: “The Judicial Power shall be exercised by the courts in accordance with the statutes under the name of the Emperor.” You should not misunderstand. This stipulation was intended to guarantee the independence of the judiciary.
The phrase “under the name of the Emperor” meant that the administrative authority, such as the Minister of Justice, was prohibited from giving orders to the judges when it came to judicial decisions.
The now-defunct criminal law laid down in Article 116 the rules on the crime of lese majesty (high treason). It provided that “a person who does harm to the emperor, the crown prince or the empresses (of the present and the late emperors) shall be punished by the death penalty.”
There were carried out many outspoken arguments as to the definition of the terms “emperor” and “crown prince.” Do they include foreign sovereigns and their heirs? Or are they limited to Japan’s emperor and crown prince? If the former was the case, the judge couldn’t help sentencing the perpetrator to death. On the contrary, if the latter interpretation was correct, the provision of ordinary attempt at murder should be applied and the sentence be imprisonment.
The government’s high officials were so much frightened that, lest Russians should revenge themselves, they made an attempt to apply the rule of lese majesty to the case, which everybody knew was a manifest absurdity. Of course, it would add up to constituting an infringement of independence of the judiciary.
On the morning after the Incident (May 12), Emperor Meiji got up early and left for Kyoto. His Majesty arrived in Kyoto at six o’clock on the morning of the thirteenth. Now we know it took in the neighborhood of twenty-four hours from Tokyo to Kyoto, even though making use of the special imperial train. He met the Russian crown prince in the hotel he put up at.
The day before, on the twelfth, Kojima Iken paid a visit to the official residence of the Prime Minister, having a talk with Premier Matsushita Masayoshi. And then and there, he was interfered with on this matter for the first time. The premier admonished, “I don’t think it wise to put jurisprudence above the survival of the nation.”
In the Ministry of Justice, Minister Yamada Akiyoshi summoned all the high officials of the ministry to hold an urgent conference. Yamada insisted that the rule of lese majesty be applicable to the case.
Unexpectedly and surprisingly enough, none of those present agreed with their boss, each expressing his belief that the sentence be given according to the provision of ordinary attempt at murder. No more than a quarter of a century had passed since the age of samurai had come to an end. It was no wonder that even civil servants had not lost unyielding spirits.
On May 19, only eight days after the affair, the agenda of the trial was settled. Exceptionally, a trial of the Supreme Court was held in the Ohtsu District Court, because the trial of the crime of lese majesty was not supposed to be subject to the three-court system. When the court had passed the sentence, the fate of the defendant would be fixed once and for all. Kojima was not in charge of the case as judge. Instead, he chose seven at his own discretion from among the supreme court judges and ordered them to go to Ohtsu.
And yet, Yamada Akiyoshi the Minister of Justice as well as Mutsu Munemitsu the Minister of Commerce and Agriculture called over some of those seven and demanded that they adopt the rule of lese majesty.
Aware of the fact, Kojima submitted a report to Premier Matsukata and Justice Minister Yamada with a view to expressing a strong protest. In addition, he had an interview with the seven judges and encouraged them not to knuckle under the pressure from the authority.
On the nineteenth, Kojima got on the train at Shinbashi Station together with the seven judges, getting to the ancient capital city on the next day. He was granted an audience by the emperor in the Old Palace, where His Majesty was staying.
The emperor said to the patriotic judge, “Rise or fall of the nation depends on your decision. Be careful to reach a proper conclusion.”
Kojima interpreted the emperor’s words as meaning, “Carry through justice in accordance with law.” This audience made him more courageous in strengthening his belief. He made up his mind, come what may, to refuse the adoption of the rule of lese majesty.
However, it appears that he judged from a self-centered angle, making the intentional mistake of drawing his favorable conclusion. The emperor said, “Rise or fall of the nation depends on your decision.” The sovereign might have wished Kojima would sentence the criminal to death. Perhaps Kojima understood what the emperor wanted and yet dared to follow his consciousness.
The emperor stopped short of giving him any more decisive order than saying, “Be careful to reach a proper conclusion.” He made an effort to refrain from interrupting what the judges should do for themselves.
Indeed, Emperor Meiji lived up to his title “the Great,” which the Times (London) was to give Him when He left this world twenty years later. The monarch of the state of Rising Sun showed His mettle in this critical situation. He knew it was up to Him to defend the law-governed country.
A high official reached the city of Ohtsu after another. Among them were Justice Minister Yamada Akiyoshi and Inner Minister Saigo Judo. They didn’t attend the trial but stayed at an inn in the city.
The court was opened at noon, May 27. At three thirty, it was closed for a while and reopened at six thirty. During the three hours, the judges discussed the matter and composed the judgement paper.
The gist of the judgement was clear. Not the rule of lese majesty but the provision of ordinary attempt at murder was applied. The accused was sentenced to life imprisonment. There was none among the judges that declared himself to be against the decision.
That night, Yamada and Saigo started on their way back to Tokyo from Baba Station (adjoining Ohtsu, today’s Zeze Station). Many of those concerned came to see them off. Saigo was exchanging greetings with them from his seat next to the window, when he caught sight of Kojima.
He waved him to come close and threatened him, saying, “I have no experience of losing a battle. Now I lost for the first time. I would like you to be kept informed of its development.” He meant he would get even with him. He was drunk.
Kojima approached the window and blamed him in a loud voice, “What a shameful remark you make! It would be beneath the rank of a cabinet minister.” Saigo was one of the most influential man of power, and yet Kojima didn’t hesitate to give him a sharp scolding in public. He was worthy of the name of the “champion of the judicature” as he was to be called afterwards up to today. At this, Saigo drew his head back into the car, as if he were a tortoise.
Such was the whole story of the Otsu Incident. Kojima’s courage and faithfulness was the flower of the history of the Imperial State of Justice and Law, whose life span was destined to come to an end in fifty-odd years after the incident. It was a divine country governed by the living god. I feel like comparing it to a stunningly beautiful woman who put us in mind of a rose.
Although this book was published so long ago, yet I dare say it is worth while to read it again and again.

Now those of you who love your country! If you are moved by the story of this Ohtsu Incident, you must be reminded of that humiliating Senkaku Incident, which took place eight years ago. A Chinese fishing ship, after invading Japan’s territorial waters, did outrageous violence to a patrol boat belonging to the Japan Coast Guard.
The Okinawa prosecutor in charge didn’t prosecute the skipper, soon let off and allowed him to go back to his country. He did so for fear of something bad coming up later on.
Not that you cannot take the circumstances into consideration. This time the person in question was not a judge but a prosecutor who belonged to the Administration. Although he fawned upon the political power and perverted the law, yet it had little to do with the independence of the judiciary.
Still, you should think of the above-mentioned meeting of the high officials of the Ministry of Justice. All of them were opposed to Minister Yamada’s opinion. In view of their integrity and sincerity, wasn’t the Okinawa prosecutor to blame for flattering the Kwan government, which in turn was always licking China’s shoes? Their and his meanness really deserves looking down on.
The then democratic government gave an evasive answer that they had not ordered the prosecutor to do or not to do anything. If they didn’t tell a lie, gods would not forgive the prosecutor this treachery to his country. How dare he live on instead of cutting his belly open in order to apologize to our ancestors?
If the prosecutor did make this decision by himself, why didn’t the Minister of Justice interrupt him? It is stipulated by law that the Minister of Justice can cut in and lead the prosecutor to obey the government. China is the country which gave birth to Confucius the philosopher teaching morals, and yet the country is farther from morals than any other country.
They would rather have screwed up their courage and prosecuted the skipper than have bowed the knee to its unmoral demand. It is regrettable that we left that knavish cabinet to bring a disgrace on our mother country.
There are some who say Sengoku Yoshihito the Minister of Justice might have forced the prosecutor to give up prosecuting the skipper. Such being the case, Kwan and Sengoku could be liken to Taira-no-Kiyomori and his henchman Shinzei, the Rasputin of Japan in the twelfth century. They successfully escaped paying for the harm they had done to Japan. They have no sense of shame, indeed!
Don’t let the secret of this humiliating incident be forgotten into the darkness of history. I would like to ask Mr. S. the prosecutor in charge to disclose the truth in some magazine or the like if only for his own honor. I am worried that, in the future, his name might be remembered as a symbol of cowardice and treason.